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Migration Policy Institute Europe;
This report examines the steps European education systems are taking (or might take) to give all students an equitable shot at academic and future labor-market success. It also considers the role schools are increasingly playing in efforts to support the integration of new and longstanding immigrant communities. From ensuring that all school staff are equipped to support diverse classrooms to improving governance structures to prepare for future demographic and social changes, the authors highlight key lessons learned in the education and adjacent policy fields.
Intersentia Uitgevers N.V.;
This book examines the introduction of the European Citizens' Initiative, which is the first transnational participative instrument ever and is a milestone in the history of democracy. From now on, citizens have the same rights as nation-states and national parliaments to be the political agenda-setters on the supranational level.
Centre for European Policy Studies (CEPS);
This paper examines the impact of labour migration on unemployment in the context of the EU's accession of Bulgaria and Romania and EU rules on the free movement of workers. It addresses in particular the following two questions. First, does intra-EU labour migration correlate with employment/unemployment rates in host or home member states during periods of unsettled growth? Second, how have member states reacted in terms of restricting or allowing access to their labour markets by EU-2 workers during the transitional periods?
This paper is an update following the announcement of changes in various British rules affecting migrants from other EU Member States and the ending of the transitional restrictions on Bulgarian and Romanian citizens exercising free movement on 1 January 2014.
University of Iceland;
Although debates on the European public sphere deficit as a hallmark of the European Union's democratic deficit have subsided in recent years, the problem of a perceived gap between the union's citizens and institutions remains pressing. In 2012, the European Citizens' Initiative (ECI) was introduced as the world's first transnational citizens' agenda initiative, thereby providing what is arguably the strongest, but also the most demanding instrument of participatory democracy in the EU to date. The present paper discusses the question of whether and to what extent the ECI can bridge the gap between the EU institutions and its citizens. Theoretically, the paper draws on the Habermasian distinction between the two tracks of deliberative politics (public sphere vs. political system) to advance the argument that the ECI provides not only an incentive for transnational civil society networking and mobilization, but moreover an institutional opportunity for channeling communicative power into the EU institutions. Empirically, the paper draws on the experiences of three of the citizens' initiatives that are currently in the signature collection process, namely Right2Water, Stop Vivisection, and End Ecocide in Europe
European Citizen Action Service (ECAS);
This study has been conducted by ECAS within the framework of the ECI Support Centre with the kind assistance of Freshfields Bruckhaus Deringer LLP.
The study aims to promote a better understanding of the ECI Regulation, particularly on the registration procedures for a proposed initiative, and it suggests a number of recommendations to be discussed when the review of the Regulation takes place based on an analysis of the "subject matters" of the ECIs that have been refused registration by the Commission.
Egmont - The Royal Institute for International Relations;
One innovative element of the Lisbon Treaty was the creation of a European Citizens' Initiative (ECI). At the time, this was sometimes hailed as a fundamental change in the European institutional system. A few years after the entry into force of the Treaty, however, much less is heard about this "first truly transnational instrument of modern direct democracy", this "revolution in disguise", this "very innovative and symbolic" provision. This could seem surprising at first sight. Since the entry into force of the Treaty, the implementation of this provision has been remarkably rapid. Meanwhile, new arguments have risen concerning the lack of democratic legitimacy of the European Union, and the lack of connection between the European institutions and the citizens
Amsterdam Centre for European Law and Governance;
The European Union is founded on the principle of representative democracy. But, obviously, the Constitutional Convention just like many scholars considered the representative functions of the European Parliament and the Council to be insufficient to ensure democratic European governance. Thus, the Constitutional Treaty embraced the principle of participatory democracy which is expected to complement democratic representation. The paper puts into question that participatory democracy has been institutionalized in the EU and explores whether or not the participatory instruments introduced by the Lisbon Treaty render the EU more democratic.
Practices across the Union vary considerably. The time, money and efforts needed to prepare applications is highly variable, and there are frequent administrative burdens. Availability of information also varies. While some nations (generally Western European nations) provide clear, accessible and user-friendly information online; others (notably Germany and Italy) provide patchy and uneven information. Information hotlines leave much to be desired across the Union. Recommendations include creating single contact points within relevant administrations and providing training to national authorities on free movement rights.
In the specific case of cash benefits such as social pensions, disability allowances and non-contributory job-seekers allowances financed by general taxation rather than contributions by the individual concerned (so-called special non-contributory cash benefits - SNCBs), the study shows that economically non-active EU mobile citizens account for a very small share of beneficiaries and that the budgetary impact of such claims on national welfare budgets is very low. They represent less than 1% of all such beneficiaries (of EU nationality) in six countries studied (Austria, Bulgaria, Estonia, Greece, Malta and Portugal) and between 1% and 5% in five other countries (Germany, Finland, France, The Netherlands and Sweden).
The study also found that:
the vast majority of EU nationals moving to another EU country do so to workactivity rates among such mobile EU citizens have increased over the last seven yearson average EU mobile citizens are more likely to be in employment than nationals of the host country (partly because more EU mobile citizens than nationals fall in the 15-64 age bracket)the majority of currently non-active EU citizens who move have previously worked in their current country of residence (64%)non-active EU mobile citizens represent a very small share of the total population in each Member State and between 0.7% and 1.0% of the overall EU population.on average, the expenditures associated with healthcare provided to non-active EU mobile citizens are very small relative to the size of total health spending (0.2% on average) or the size of the economy of the host countries (0.01% of GDP on average).
National Bureau of Economic Research;
We develop a dynamic politico-economic theory of welfare state, featuring three groups of voters: skilled workers, unskilled workers, and old retirees. The welfare-state is modeled by a proportional tax on labor income to finance a demogrant in a balanced-budget manner to capture the essence of inter-and intra-generational redistribution of a typical welfare system. Migrants arrive when young and their birth rate exceeds the native-born birth rate. We characterize political-economic equilibrium policy rules consisting of the tax rate, the skill composition of migrants, and the total number of migrants, in terms of demographic and labor productivity characteristics. We find that political coalitions will form among skilled and unskilled voters or among unskilled and old voters in order to block the other group from coming into power. As a consequence, the ideal polices of the unskilled voters always feature in any political economy equilibrium.